Public space is not neutral

Public space is not neutral

Public space is not neutral. 

Public space is not neutral. 

Public space is not neutral. 

Beirut, Mostar, Nicosia, Jerusalem, Belfast

In each city of these, urban managers under-estimated growing interethnic tensions  until it was so late that violence spread and resulted in physical segregation. Though the walls, fences, and no man’s lands that resulted were generally designed to be temporary, they have considerable staying powers, forcing divided residents to grapple with life “under siege”, confronting their terrors at home without the means of retreat or escape. Even after politicians have secured a peace, the citizens struggle with losses and missed opportunities that are beyond compensation. Along the path to urban partition, a social contract between municipal government and residents is broken. The costs of renegotiations are high. 

Partitioned cities act as a warning beacon for all cities where intercommunal rivalry threatens normal urban functioning and security. Every city contains ethnic fault-lines or boundaries that give shape to “good” and “bad” neighbourhoods and lend local meaning to “the other side of the tracks”. 

These five cities are linked by similar episodes of development in similar sequences and patterns. The events that pushed Belfast, Beirut, Jerusalem, Mostar and Nicosia up to beyond the threshold of ethnic apartheid have much in common. Not all phases are found in each city, but they can be considerable reliable indicators of a propensity towards physical segregation for ethnically diverse societies under stress while undergoing a major social transition:

  1. Politicizing ethnicity – merging of political and ethnic identity on a mass scale
  2. Clustering – if pressures multiply, the members of a threatened urban community may seek out smaller, more ethnically homogenous clusters for protection. 
  3. Political up-scaling – Divided cities function in part as emblems of larger political struggles in which individual enclave residents are enlisted to fight battles not directly serving their personal interests. 
  4. Boundary etching – once threatened ethnic communities have retreated into homogenous clusters, and the urban terrain has been converted into political territory, it remains for the battle lines to be formally drawn. 
  5. Concretizing – The transformation of these inscribed boundaries, from permeable into impermeable thresholds separating neighbouring reside groups, is a process that relies on purposeful design and execution. Generally, they intended to be temporary in anticipation of diplomatic interventions, however they remained in place for decades. 
  6. Consolidating – Once ethnic boundaries have been etched and concretizing in the urban environment, the political climate determines whether municipal authorities will augment or counteract the process of division. 
  7. Unifying but not integrating – Due to burdensome inefficiencies of physical segregation in an environment engineered for cooperation, urban partitions are rarely sustainable. Though physical barriers are easily demolished, the social and physical scars that remain are slow to fade. The psychological residue from long periods of violence and intimidation generally prevents residents who live through the period of partition from occupying formerly forbidden areas. 

The typical divided city remains divided as long as  the insecurities that led to intergroup violence remain. Though physical partitions generate new problems and intensify interethnic rivalries in their own right, their removal is necessary but not sufficient condition for the creation of more favourable and equitable conditions in the urban framework.

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* References 

  • J. Calame, E. Charlesworth, (2009) Divided cities, University of Pennsylvania Press
  • A. Oz, (1994) Israel, Palestine and Peace: Essays on a Paradoxical Situation
  • CCCB (2005) Breaking the wall: the social responsability of Palestinian and Israeli Academics and Intellectuals at Times of Violent conflict: An introspective Search
  • K. Chrysostomou (2013) Διακοινοτικές σχέσεις σε διαιρεμένες πόλεις: Η περίπτωση της Λευκωσίας (Relacions intercomunitàries en ciutats dividides: el cas de Nicòsia)

  • K. Chrysostomou (2016), Negotiating Cultural Identities in Post Conflict Spaces: The memorial landscapes of Nicosia

  • Photos: Konstantina Chrysostomou, No man’s land in Cyprus

Words of:

Konstantina Chrysostomou

Publication date:

12/05/2021

Originally written in:

English

Tags:

Everyday life / Public space

Corona street

Corona street

El carrer Corona s’ha fet estret. Ara, des de l’entradeta de casa, al número 21, sentim els pardalets a qualsevol hora del dia, veiem les veïnes trastejar a les finestres, i dóna un sol espectacular. Que segur que abans també donava, però no sabiem el seu horari de visita.

Estos dies l’hem arreglada, l’entradeta. Hem posat els nostres noms cal·ligrafiats a la bústia. Hem instal·lat una lleixa de castanyer, pulida i envernissada. És xicoteta, no fa ni dos pams de llarg, i està feta amb la fusta d’una antiga artesa de salar de vés a saber on. A la lleixa es recolza un test amb una heura ressuscitada, i hi penja un fanalet de vidre bufat, sostingut amb una xarxa de corda teixida amb molt d’ofici.

Eixim a l’entradeta a fer el cafè. Alhora, la veïna d’unes portes més enllà, la número 15, agrana primer i arruixa després la vorera de davant de sa casa, com per fer net després que tothom hagués marxat al tall a guanyar-se les garrofes. En realitat ningú no ha marxat de casa.

Com que el carrer s’ha encollit i estem més a prop, la conversa es fila més ràpid, i en un moment Adela ens està contant a nosaltres i a Miquel (asomat a la finestra del primer pis del 14), que quan ella era fadrina, el carrer també era així, petitó. I els veïns i veïnes el tancaven als cotxes per sopar juntes o per eixir a la fresca els vespres de bon oratge.

Miquel somriu, i atropella el relat amb el seu propi, de tantes ganes d’explicar els records que la història d’Adela li ha despertat. Al seu poble també tancaven el carrer Corona cada diumenge. Disputaven partides de pilota a mà. Jugaven a llargues, lo menos, quatre o cinc joves per banda. Mig barri s’hi acostava a veure la partida que, quan era senyalada, omplia l’aforament: voreres, finestres i balcons atapeïts d’ulls que seguien els tantos d’extrem a extrem del carrer. Quin gust vore’l tan plenet de gent! Que aplaudia i cridava. Que reia o feia carasses, segons el joc.

Nosaltres els comentàvem que quina sort que el carrer Corona s’haja tornat a fer estret. Que no cal ni tallar-lo als cotxes per xerrar una estona qualsevol. Que la lleixa i el fanalet vénen del nord, i que quina acció de cura tan bonica i tan poc reconeguda és netejar una part de la vorera de totes. Que també tenim arrels al sud, i que ens encantaria organitzar aquí mateix una partida de llargues en quant les circumstàncies ho permeten.

 

* Referències

Text inspirat en els estudis de Donald Appleyard sobre l’impacte del trànsit de vehicles en la vida veïnal:

Imatge: Reproducció digital del diagrama de les connexions socials al carrer (Appleyard, 1969).  Les línies representen conexions socials, i els punts identifiquen els llocs de trobada de la gent.

Words of:

Arnau Boix i Pla

Publication date:

26/04/2020

Originally written in:

catalan

Tags:

Everyday life / Sustainable mobility / Public space